Projects

In order to contextualize my publications and ongoing works in the "Research" page, this page shows the bigger picture of my interests.

Overview

How do major powers exert influence in the international order, and in international institutions in particular? Although China's rise and its rivalry with the United States have caught attention regarding whether there was a "revisionist" momentum in the liberal international order, any states, first and foremost, pursue their national interests, regardless of the consequences they may bring to the international arena.

In probing such state-centric views in international institutions, I am especially interested in

(i) the norm-initiation behavior of major powers in existing institutions, and work on three projects that focus on different driving factors of such attempts. The three are also dealt with in my doctoral dissertation (University of Tokyo, 2023).

Meanwhile, I am also embarking on a separate project on

(ii) the relation between governments and international bureaucracy to uncover how the influence of the former may (or may not) be embedded in the international arena.

Methodologically, I have conducted statistical analyses (with original datasets/ regressions and network
analysis in particular) and case studies (with multilinguistic archives/ documents). I also hope to make use of interview surveys in the coming years. Although I work on generalizable theories/ hypotheses, I have empirically focused on China and the Global South as its coalition counterpart.

Projects in Detail

(i-1) Power-Gap Calculations

I investigate how major powers care about their relative power position vis-à-vis its rivals when initiating [de]regulatory norms in the fields of military and economic matters. Empirically, I have focused on China's co-sponsorship behavior in the United Nations General Assembly.

(i-2) Coalition Politics

Besides power-driven calculations, any country needs supporters to have their voices heard in international institutions. I investigate how deferential major powers can be to their coalitions. Regarding China, I take up the Global South (G77/ NAM) countries in the United Nations General Assembly.

(i-3) Sovereignty and Non-Interference

Besides power-driven calculations, any state will incur the so-called "sovereignty cost", where they possess less discretionary power and cede to the decision-making of international institutions. As sovereignty remains to be the anchor of international relations, many states strategically use the rhetoric on the respect for sovereignty to get around non-desired norms. I investigate how the [de]regulatory content of norms can change according to such rhetoric.

(ii) International Bureaucracy

Besides initiating norms, sending nationals to international institutions as their staff is seen as another path to exert influence, but is this really the case? I investigate whether or not this actually works depending on the perception of the bureaucrats.